ecogenenergy.info Business Among The Barons Pdf

AMONG THE BARONS PDF

Sunday, May 26, 2019


The Grants were Barons—really rich people—so Luke's new identity was an impressive one indeed. But Luke didn't like to be called. Lee, didn't like even to be. Among The Barons A Shadow Children Book 04 Margaret Peterson Haddix CHAPTER 1 Hey, L! Mr. Hendricks wants to see you!. Editorial Reviews. From School Library Journal. Grade In this fourth installment of a series about a society that allows only two children per family, Luke.


Among The Barons Pdf

Author:ISMAEL FREDENBERG
Language:English, Spanish, Dutch
Country:Poland
Genre:Religion
Pages:772
Published (Last):18.02.2016
ISBN:340-5-54645-410-3
ePub File Size:24.45 MB
PDF File Size:18.59 MB
Distribution:Free* [*Regsitration Required]
Downloads:25506
Uploaded by: AUDIE

among the barons pdf - s3azonaws - read online now among the barons ebook pdf at our library. get among the barons pdf file for free from our online library pdf . among the barons pdf - s3azonaws - among the barons are a good way to achieve details about operating certainproducts. many products that. Among the Barons is a book by Margaret Peterson Haddix, about a time in which drastic . Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version.

Both railroads used longer, twisting routes to get subsidies from towns they went through. In , amid music and speeches, the two crooked lines met in Utah. The wild fraud on the railroads led to more control of railroad finances by bankers, who wanted more stability-profit by law rather than by theft. By the s, most of the country's railway mileage was concentrated in six huge systems. Four of these were completely or partially controlled by the House of Morgan, and two others by the bankers Kuhn, Loeb, and Company.

Morgan had started before the war, as the son of a banker who began selling stocks for the railroads for good commissions.

The rifles were defective and would shoot off the thumbs of the soldiers using them. A congressional committee noted this in the small print of an obscure report, but a federal judge upheld the deal as the fulfillment of a valid legal contract.

So did John D. Mellon's father had written to him that "a man may be a patriot without risking his own life or sacrificing his health. There are plenty of lives less valuable. On January 2, , as Gustavus Myers reports The most painstaking care was exercised that this document should not find its way into the press or otherwise become public Why this fear?

Because the circular was an invitation There was a human cost to this exciting story of financial ingenuity. That year, , records of the Interstate Commerce Commission showed that 22, railroad workers were killed or injured.

A syndicate of bankers headed by J. President Grover Cleveland agreed. A journalist wrote: "If a man wants to buy beef, he must go to the butcher If Mr. Cleveland wants much gold, he must go to the big banker. He kept the system stable. He said: "We do not want financial convulsions and have one thing one day and another thing another day. By , he controlled , miles of railroad, half the country's mileage. Three insurance companies dominated by the Morgan group had a billion dollars in assets.

Louis Brandeis, describing this in his book Other People's Money before he became a Supreme Court justice , wrote: "They control the people through the people's own money. Rockefeller started as a bookkeeper in Cleveland, became a merchant, accumulated money, and decided that, in the new industry of oil, who controlled the oil refineries controlled the industry.

He bought his first oil refinery in , and by set up Standard Oil Company of Ohio, made secret agreements with railroads to ship his oil with them if they gave him rebates- discounts-on their prices, and thus drove competitors out of business. One independent refiner said: "If we did not sell out There was only one buyer on the market and we had to sell at their terms. Please turn another screw. The Standard Oil Company, by , was a holding company which controlled the stock of many other companies.

Before long he would move into iron, copper, coal, shipping, and banking Chase Manhattan Bank. Andrew Carnegie was a telegraph clerk at seventeen, then secretary to the head of the Pennsylvania Railroad, then broker in Wall Street selling railroad bonds for huge commissions, and was soon a millionaire. He went to London in , saw the new Bessemer method of producing steel, and returned to the United States to build a million-dollar steel plant.

Morgan then formed the U. Steel Corporation, combining Carnegie's corporation with others. How could dividends be paid to all those stockholders and bondholders? And so it went, in industry after industry-shrewd, efficient businessmen building empires, choking out competition, maintaining high prices, keeping wages low, using government subsidies.

These industries were the first beneficiaries of the "welfare state. The banks had interests in so many of these monopolies as to create an interlocking network of powerful corporation directors, each of whom sat on the boards of many other corporations.

According to a Senate report of the early twentieth century, Morgan at his peak sat on the board of forty-eight corporations; Rockefeller, thirty-seven corporations.

Meanwhile, the government of the United States was behaving almost exactly as Karl Marx described a capitalist state: pretending neutrality to maintain order, but serving the interests of the rich.

Not that the rich agreed among themselves; they had disputes over policies.

But the purpose of the state was to settle upper-class disputes peacefully, control lower-class rebellion, and adopt policies that would further the long-range stability of the system.

The arrangement between Democrats and Republicans to elect Rutherford Hayes in set the tone. Whether Democrats or Republicans won, national policy would not change in any important way. When Grover Cleveland, a Democrat, ran for President in , the general impression in the country was that he opposed the power of monopolies and corporations, and that the Republican party, whose candidate was James Blaine, stood for the wealthy.

One of Cleveland's chief advisers was William Whitney, a millionaire and corporation lawyer, who married into the Standard Oil fortune and was appointed Secretary of the Navy by Cleveland. He immediately set about to create a "steel navy," buying the steel at artificially high prices from Carnegie's plants.

Cleveland himself assured industrialists that his election should not frighten them: "No harm shall come to any business interest as the result of administrative policy so long as I am President It took the usual form of election campaigns, concealing the basic similarity of the parties by dwelling on personalities, gossip, trivialities.

Henry Adams, an astute literary commentator on that era, wrote to a friend about the election: We are here plunged in politics funnier than words can express. Very great issues are involved.. But the amusing thing is that no one talks about real interests. By common consent they agree to let these alone. We are afraid to discuss them. Instead of this the press is engaged in a most amusing dispute whether Mr.

Cleveland had an illegitimate child and did or did not live with more than one mistress.

He said: "Federal aid in such cases.. The chief reform of the Cleveland administration gives away the secret of reform legislation in America.

The Interstate Commerce Act of was supposed to regulate the railroads on behalf of the consumers. It satisfies the popular clamor for a government supervision of railroads, at the same time that that supervision is almost entirely nominal.

The part of wisdom is not to destroy the Commission, but to utilize it. Cleveland himself, in his State of the Union message, had made a similar point, adding a warning: "Opportunity for safe, careful, and deliberate reform is now offered; and none of us should be unmindful of a time when an abused and irritated people.

He prosecuted the strikers [of ] in the federal courts. The Sherman Anti-Trust Act, passed in , called itself "An Act to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints" and made it illegal to form a "combination or conspiracy" to restrain trade in interstate or foreign commerce.

Senator John Sherman, author of the Act, explained the need to conciliate the critics of monopoly: "They had monopolies You must heed their appeal or be ready for the socialist, the communist, the nihilist.

Society is now disturbed by forces never felt before.

The mystery of China’s missing millionaires

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court, despite its look of somber, black-robed fairness, was doing its bit for the ruling elite. How could it be independent, with its members chosen by the President and ratified by the Senate? How could it be neutral between rich and poor when its members were often former wealthy lawyers, and almost always came from the upper class? Early in the nineteenth century the Court laid the legal basis for a nationally regulated economy by establishing federal control over interstate commerce, and the legal basis for corporate capitalism by making the contract sacred.

In the Court interpreted the Sherman Act so as to make it harmless. It said a monopoly of sugar refining was a monopoly in manufacturing, not commerce, and so could not be regulated by Congress through the Sherman Act U. Knight Co. The Court also said the Sherman Act could be used against interstate strikes the railway strike of because they were in restraint of trade.

It also declared unconstitutional a small attempt by Congress to tax high incomes at a higher rate Pollock v. In later years it would refuse to break up the Standard Oil and American Tobacco monopolies, saying the Sherman Act barred only "unreasonable" combinations in restraint of trade. A New York banker toasted the Supreme Court in "I give you, gentlemen, the Supreme Court of the United States-guardian of the dollar, defender of private property, enemy of spoliation, sheet anchor of the Republic.

However, in , a Supreme Court decision Munn v. Illinois approved state laws regulating the prices charged to farmers for the use of grain elevators. The grain elevator company argued it was a person being deprived of property, thus violating the Fourteenth Amendment's declaration "nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.

One year after that decision, the American Bar Association, organized by lawyers accustomed to serving the wealthy, began a national campaign of education to reverse the Court decision. Its presidents said, at different times: "If trusts are a defensive weapon of property interests against the communistic trend, they are desirable.

State legislatures, under the pressure of aroused farmers, had passed laws to regulate the rates charged farmers by the railroads. The Supreme Court that year Wabash v. Illinois said states could not do this, that this was an intrusion on federal power.

That year alone, the Court did away with state laws that had been passed to regulate corporations. By this time the Supreme Court had accepted the argument that corporations were "persons" and their money was property protected by the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Supposedly, the Amendment had been passed to protect Negro rights, but of the Fourteenth Amendment cases brought before the Supreme Court between and , nineteen dealt with the Negro, dealt with corporations.

The justices of the Supreme Court were not simply interpreters of the Constitution. They were men of certain backgrounds, of certain interests. One of them Justice Samuel Miller had said in "It is vain to contend with Judges who have been at the bar the advocates for forty years of railroad companies, and all forms of associated capital.

Brewer, addressing the New York State Bar Association, said: It is the unvarying law that the wealth of the community will be in the hands of the few. The great majority of men are unwilling to endure that long self-denial and saving which makes accumulations possible. This was not just a whim of the s and s-it went back to the Founding Fathers, who had learned their law in the era of Blackstone's Commentaries, which said: "So great is the regard of the law for private property, that it will not authorize the least violation of it; no, not even for the common good of the whole community.

It requires that a population dangerously concentrated in cities and factories, whose lives are filled with cause for rebellion, be taught that all is right as it is.

And so, the schools, the churches, the popular literature taught that to be rich was a sign of superiority, to be poor a sign of personal failure, and that the only way upward for a poor person was to climb into the ranks of the rich by extraordinary effort and extraordinary luck.

In those years after the Civil War, a man named Russell Conwell, a graduate of Yale Law School, a minister, and author of best-selling books, gave the same lecture, "Acres of Diamonds," more than five thousand times to audiences across the country, reaching several million people in all. His message was that anyone could get rich if he tried hard enough, that everywhere, if people looked closely enough, were "acres of diamonds.

The men who get rich may be the most honest men you find in the community. Let me say here clearly.. That is why they are rich. That is why they are trusted with money. That is why they carry on great enterprises and find plenty of people to work with them.

It is because they are honest men. I sympathize with the poor, but the number of poor who are to be sympathised with is very small. To sympathize with a man whom God has punished for his sins Conwell was a founder of Temple University. Rockefeller was a donor to colleges all over the country and helped found the University of Chicago.

Carnegie gave money to colleges and to libraries. Johns Hopkins was founded by a millionaire merchant, and millionaires Cornelius Vanderbilt, Ezra Cornell, James Duke, and Leland Stanford created universities in their own names. The rich, giving part of their enormous earnings in this way, became known as philanthropists.

These educational institutions did not encourage dissent; they trained the middlemen in the American system-the teachers, doctors, lawyers, administrators, engineers, technicians, politicians- those who would be paid to keep the system going, to be loyal buffers against trouble.

In the meantime, the spread of public school education enabled the learning of writing, reading, and arithmetic for a whole generation of workers, skilled and semiskilled, who would be the literate labor force of the new industrial age.

It was important that these people learn obedience to authority. A journalist observer of the schools in the s wrote: "The unkindly spirit of the teacher is strikingly apparent; the pupils, being completely subjugated to her will, are silent and motionless, the spiritual atmosphere of the classroom is damp and chilly.

International Covers

When the latter are well-educated and the former are disposed to deal justly, controversies and strikes can never occur, nor can the minds of the masses be prejudiced by demagogues and controlled by temporary and factious considerations. Joel Spring, in his book Education and the Rise of the Corporate State, says: "The development of a factory-like system in the nineteenth-century schoolroom was not accidental.

Bagley said: "One who studies educational theory aright can see in the mechanical routine of the classroom the educative forces that are slowly transforming the child from a little savage into a creature of law and order, fit for the life of civilized society.

Loyalty oaths, teacher certification, and the requirement of citizenship were introduced to control both the educational and the political quality of teachers. Also, in the latter part of the century, school officials-not teachers-were given control over textbooks.

Laws passed by the states barred certain kinds of textbooks. Idaho and Montana, for instance, forbade textbooks propagating "political" doctrines, and the Dakota territory ruled that school libraries could not have "partisan political pamphlets or books.

Henry George, a self-educated workingman from a poor Philadelphia family, who became a newspaperman and an economist, wrote a book that was published in and sold millions of copies, not only in the United States, but all over the world. His book Progress and Poverty argued that the basis of wealth was land, that this was becoming monopolized, and that a single tax on land, abolishing all others, would bring enough revenue to solve the problem of poverty and equalize wealth in the nation.

Readers may not have been persuaded of his solutions, but they could see in their own lives the accuracy of his observations: It is true that wealth has been greatly increased, and that the average of comfort, leisure and refinement has been raised; but these gains are not general. In them the lowest class do not share This association of poverty with progress is the great enigma of our times. There is a vague but general feeling of disappointment; an increased bitterness among the working classes; a widespread feeling of unrest and brooding revolution..

The civilized world is trembling on the verge of a great movement. Either it must be a leap upward, which will open the way to advances yet undreamed of, or it must be a plunge downward which will carry us back toward barbarism.

A different kind of challenge to the economic and social system was given by Edward Bellamy, a lawyer and writer from western Massachusetts, who wrote, in simple, intriguing language, a novel called Looking Backward, in which the author falls asleep and wakes up in the year , to find a socialistic society in which people work and live cooperatively.

Looking Backward, which described socialism vividly, lovingly, sold a million copies in a few years, and over a hundred groups were organized around the country to try to make the dream come true.

It seemed that despite the strenuous efforts of government, business, the church, the schools, to control their thinking, millions of Americans were ready to consider harsh criticism of the existing system, to contemplate other possible ways of living. They were helped in this by the great movements of workers and farmers that swept the country in the s and s.

These movements went beyond the scattered strikes and tenants' struggles of the period They were nationwide movements, more threatening than before to the ruling elite, more dangerously suggestive.

It was a time when revolutionary organizations existed in major American cities, and revolutionary talk was in the air. In the s and s, immigrants were pouring in from Europe at a faster rate than before. They all went through the harrowing ocean voyage of the poor. Now there were not so many Irish and German immigrants as Italians, Russians, Jews, Greeks-people from Southern and Eastern Europe, even more alien to native-born Anglo-Saxons than the earlier newcomers.

How the immigration of different ethnic groups contributed to the fragmentation of the working class, how conflicts developed among groups facing the same difficult conditions, is shown in an article in a Bohemian newspaper, Svornost, of February 27, A petition of parents and guardians at the Throop School in New York, signed by over half the taxpayers of the school district, said "the petitioners have just as much right to request the teaching of Bohemian as have the German citizens to have German taught in the public schools In opposition to this, Mr.

Vocke claims that there is a great deal of difference between Germans and Bohemians, or in other words, they are superior. Those who became policemen encountered the new Jewish immigrants.

On July 30, , New York's Jewish community held a mass funeral for an important rabbi, and a riot took place, led by Irish who resented Jews coming into their neighborhood. The police force was dominantly Irish, and the official investigation of the riot indicated the police helped the rioters: ". By , Chinese immigrants, brought in by the railroads to do the backbreaking labor at pitiful wages, numbered 75, in California, almost one-tenth of the population.

They became the objects of continuous violence. Stoned to death in the streets of San Francisco, in the year of grace by a mob of halfgrown boys and Christian school children. In Rock Springs, Wyoming, in the summer of , whites attacked five hundred Chinese miners, massacring twenty-eight of them in cold blood.

The new immigrants became laborers, housepainters, stonecutters, ditchdiggers. They were often imported en masse by contractors. One Italian man, told he was going to Connecticut to work on the railroad, was taken instead to sulfate mines in the South, where he and his fellows were watched over by armed guards in their barracks and in the mines, given only enough money to pay for their railroad fare and tools, and very little to eat.

He and others decided to escape. They were captured at gunpoint, ordered to work or die; they still refused and were brought before a judge, put in manacles, and, five months after their arrival, finally dismissed. I had only one dollar, and with this, not knowing either the country or the language, I had to walk to New York. After forty-two days I arrived in the city utterly exhausted. A contemporary observer told how "some Italians who worked in a locality near Deal Lake, New Jersey, failing to receive their wages, captured the contractor and shut him up in the shanty, where he remained a prisoner until the county sheriff came with a posse to his rescue.

The children were then supervised by "padrones" in a form of slavery, sometimes sent out as beggar musicians. Droves of them roamed the streets of New York and Philadelphia. As the immigrants became naturalized citizens, they were brought into the American two-party system, invited to be loyal to one party or the other, their political energy thus siphoned into elections.

An article in L'ltalia, in November , called for Italians to support the Republican party: When American citizens of foreign birth refuse to ally themselves with the Republican Party, they make war upon their own welfare. The Republican Party stands for all that the people fight for in the Old World.

Among the Barons

It is the champion of freedom, progress, order, and law. It is the steadfast foe of monarchial class role. The immigrants were more controllable, more helpless than native workers; they were culturally displaced, at odds with one another, therefore useful as strikebreakers. Often their children worked, intensifying the problem of an oversized labor force and joblessness; in there were 1,, children under sixteen one out of six at work in the United States.

With everyone working long hours, families often became strangers to one another.

America's Gilded Age: Robber Barons and Captains of Industry

A pants presser named Morris Rosenfeld wrote a poem, "My Boy," which became widely reprinted and recited: I have a little boy at home, A pretty little son; I think sometimes the world is mine In him, my only one. Women immigrants became servants, prostitutes, housewives, factory workers, and sometimes rebels. Leonora Barry was born in Ireland and brought to the United States. She got married, and when her husband died she went to work in a hosiery mill in upstate New York to support three young children, earning 65 cents her first week.

She joined the Knights of Labor, which had fifty thousand women members in women's assemblies by She became "master workman" of her assembly of women, and was appointed to work for the Knights as a general investigator, to "go forth and educate her sister working-women and the public generally as to their needs and necessities.

In , women's assemblies of textile workers and hatmakers went on strike. The following year in New York, cloak and shirt makers, men and women holding separate meetings but acting together , went on strike. The New York World called it "a revolt for bread and butter. That winter in Yonkers, a few women carpet weavers were fired for joining the Knights, and in the cold of February, 2, women walked out and picketed the mill.

Only seven hundred of them were members of the Knights, but all the strikers soon joined. The police attacked the picket line and arrested them, but a jury found them not guilty. A great dinner was held by working people in New York to honor them, with two thousand delegates from unions all over the city. The strike lasted six months, and the women won some of their demands, getting back their jobs, but without recognition of their union.

What was astonishing in so many of these struggles was not that the strikers did not win all that they wanted, but that, against such great odds, they dared to resist, and were not destroyed. Perhaps it was the recognition that day-to-day combat was not enough, that fundamental change was needed, which stimulated the growth of revolutionary movements at this time.

The Socialist Labor party, formed in , was tiny, and torn by internal arguments, but it had some influence in organizing unions among foreign workers. In New York, Jewish socialists organized and put out a newspaper. In Chicago, German revolutionaries, along with native-born radicals like Albert Parsons, formed Social Revolutionary clubs. In , an anarchist congress took place in Pittsburgh.

It drew up a manifesto All laws are directed against the working people. Even the school serves only the purpose of furnishing the offspring of the wealthy with those qualities necessary to uphold their class domination. The children of the poor get scarcely a formal elementary training, and this, too, is mainly directed to such branches as tend to producing prejudices, arrogance, and servility; in short, want of sense.

The Church finally seeks to make complete idiots out of the mass and to make them forego the paradise on earth by promising a fictitious heaven. The capitalist press, on the other hand, takes care of the confusion of spirits in public life. The workers can therefore expect no help from any capitalistic party in their struggle against the existing system.

They must achieve their liberation by their own efforts. As in former times, a privileged class never surrenders its tyranny, neither can it be expected that the capitalists of this age will give up their rulership without being forced to do it. The manifesto asked "equal rights for all without distinction to sex or race. You have nothing to lose but your chains; you have a world to win! There were differences in theory among all these revolutionary groups, but the theorists were often brought together by the practical needs of labor struggles, and there were many in the mids.

Louis and Kansas City. Nine young men recruited in New Orleans as marshals, brought to Texas to protect company property, learned about the strike and quit their jobs, saying, "as man to man we could not justifiably go to work and take the bread out of our fellow-workmen's mouths, no matter how much we needed it ourselves.

Often, they had little empathy for workers. Captains of industry, however, were often philanthropists. They made their wealth — and used it — in a way that would benefit society, such as providing more jobs or increasing productivity. John D. Rockefeller Born in , John D.

Rockefeller became one of the richest men in the world as the founder of the Standard Oil Company. Andrew Carnegie Andrew Carnegie served as a great example of an American rags-to-riches story. Born to a poor Scottish family, he and his parents immigrated to the U. He built his fortune by investing in the steel industry and became the owner of Carnegie Steel Company, which by was the largest steel company in the world.

Despite some criticism of how some workers at Carnegie Steel were treated, Carnegie himself was extremely active in terms of philanthropy. At face value, Morgan contributed greatly to American industry. He also created the first billion-dollar company, U.

At one point in his life, he was a board member of as many as 48 corporations. However, Morgan engaged in some unethical and anticompetitive practices to ward off competition.

For example, he was believed to head a money trust that controlled the banking industry and was commonly considered a figurehead of Wall Street. He also created a monopoly by slashing the workforce and their pay to maximize profits while eliminating the competition. When confronted with the possibility of regulations that could threaten his bottom line, he and other robber barons of the time contributed money to ensure that a business-friendly presidential candidate, William McKinley, was elected in Despite the numerous negatives associated with how Morgan built his wealth, some of his actions did benefit the United States and society.

For example, his wealth was so vast that he was able to help bail out the federal government twice during an economic crisis, first in and again in David Carpenter pointed out that these peasants were not only coerced to side with their lords, but also plunged into the m o v e m e n t to get a better solution for the problems of their own status, such as the lord's distraint of their property, or coercion of serfdom.

Year after year, all over the country, memorial meetings for the Haymarket martyrs were held; it is impossible to know the number of individuals whose political awakening-as with Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman, long-time revolutionary stalwarts of the next generation-came from the Haymarket Affair.

Nine young men recruited in New Orleans as marshals, brought to Texas to protect company property, learned about the strike and quit their jobs, saying, "as man to man we could not justifiably go to work and take the bread out of our fellow-workmen's mouths, no matter how much we needed it ourselves.

Johannes de Clericus 22 worked for the king's manor. At the party, Oscar attempts to assassinate the President, who started the war, and Luke, who is saved by Trey. Often their children worked, intensifying the problem of an oversized labor force and joblessness; in there were 1,, children under sixteen one out of six at work in the United States.

Although they were members of the same hundred jury, most jurors appeared not to be so eager to present Knesworth as Magister was. In those years after the Civil War, a man named Russell Conwell, a graduate of Yale Law School, a minister, and author of best-selling books, gave the same lecture, "Acres of Diamonds," more than five thousand times to audiences across the country, reaching several million people in all.

As in former times, a privileged class never surrenders its tyranny, neither can it be expected that the capitalists of this age will give up their rulership without being forced to do it. The Republican Party stands for all that the people fight for in the Old World.

NATOSHA from Fort Smith
I enjoy reading books unfortunately. Browse my other articles. I have always been a very creative person and find it relaxing to indulge in camping.